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The accomplishments of the interim government, real as they are, stand in stark contrast to the government’s failures in delivering justice for the victims of the July uprising, writes Anup Raihan

AUGUST 8 marked the first anniversary of the interim government’s rise to power in the wake of the historic July uprising. The Yunus-led administration came into office buoyed by unprecedented public goodwill, both at home and abroad, and charged with the responsibility of healing a fractured nation. One year may not be long enough to fulfil every expectation, but it is sufficient time to take stock of priorities, actions, and the gaps that remain.

The country was in disarray when professor Muhammad Yunus and his colleagues took the helm. In that context, the government’s stabilisation of the economy is no small feat. Fiscal discipline has been restored in banking policy, inflation has eased, the foreign exchange market has steadied, and record foreign debt repayments have been made — all while adhering to IMF conditions that loosened the central bank’s grip on the dollar market. Even infrastructure recovery, such as the swift and cost-efficient repair of the Metro Rail damaged during the uprising, has demonstrated a capacity for effective action.

In governance, freedom of expression — while far from flawless — has been maintained to a degree unseen in the previous authoritarian period. Citizens, including vocal critics of professor Yunus himself, have not faced state harassment simply for dissenting. The announcement of an election timeframe, though later than it should have been, signals a commitment to returning the country to democratic order.

But these accomplishments, real as they are, stand in stark contrast to the government’s failures in delivering justice for the victims of the July uprising.

The top demand after August 5, 2024, was accountability for the atrocities committed against protesters. Here, the government has faltered — not merely in execution, but in intent. Sheikh Hasina fled the country on August 5 under murky circumstances. No credible effort has been made to identify those who facilitated her escape or to pursue the many high-profile figures accused of orchestrating the crackdown, some of whom left Bangladesh well after the interim government assumed office. The silence has been deafening.

Laws have been passed, including amendments to the International Criminal Tribunal Act, but their utility is doubtful if trials are to be conducted in absentia. Given Bangladesh’s judicial history, such verdicts are vulnerable to reversal when political winds change, reducing them to little more than performative gestures. Awami loyalists are likely to mount a coordinated campaign to brand any adverse verdict as politically motivated. The justification publicly offered by the government for its current approach has not been convincing. Handing the trial to the International Crimes Tribunal could blunt such attempts.

Equally troubling is the absence of accountability for members of the disciplined forces who used lethal force against unarmed civilians — despite credible evidence, as highlighted in the recent investigative reporting by an English national daily. The same pattern of inaction is evident in unrelated but long-standing cases, from the unresolved BDR mutiny case to the decade-old Sagar-Runi murder investigation. These silences speak loudly.

Meanwhile, the law-and-order situation remains fragile. The police force, diminished by desertions linked to its role in the uprising, has not been replenished. Officers with documented histories of brutality remain in service, and bureaucrats known for serving the previous regime’s partisan agenda have been rewarded with coveted posts.

Perhaps most frustratingly, the government has not leveraged professor Yunus’s global stature to build an international consensus against the Awami League’s authoritarian legacy or to secure extradition of perpetrators now sheltering abroad. The absence of such diplomatic efforts leaves victims without closure and emboldens loyalists of the old regime to operate freely, even overseas.

The interim government still has six months to leave a lasting mark. But let it be clear: a free and fair election, while essential, will not be enough to honour the sacrifices of the July uprising. Justice, truth, and the dismantling of impunity must be part of the legacy. Anything less risks reducing this historic moment to a missed opportunity.

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Dr Anup Raihan is a Bangladeshi-born economist based in the US.