
‘Tara joto beshi jane, toto kom mane.’
—ÌýHirak Rajar Deshe (Satyajit Ray, 1980)
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‘THE more they know, the less they obey’ — this unforgettable line is uttered by an authoritarian king who fears an educated public. Satyajit Ray’s dystopian film Hirak Rajar Deshe may be fictional, but the impulse to suppress political knowledge is very real. In both authoritarian regimes and fragile democracies, political education is often neglected, leaving citizens less equipped to understand and defend their rights.
Defunding or distorting education is often the first indication of a rising authoritarian regime. Under Sheikh Hasina’s rule, Bangladesh’s curriculum was revised brutally to introduce lessons on bed-making and mashed potatoes — an intentional effort to depoliticise the next generation. These were not accidental omissions but calculated choices to suppress critical thinking. As Ray warned, authoritarian leaders understand that an informed public threatens their power; therefore, the education system becomes the first tool to dull political awareness.
Even the interim government and some emerging young leaders today show worrying signs. Some recently claimed that voters are easily swayed by money or emotion — a statement rooted in elitism and a broader failure of political education. This isn’t unique to Bangladesh. In any democracy where people aren’t taught how their system works or what rights they have, even leaders begin to doubt the public’s judgement. Bangladesh’s recent experience doesn’t show that voters are misguided — it shows that without education, both citizens and leaders lose faith in democracy. It is unfortunate that, despite the interim government forming multiple reform commissions, education has been left out. This silence is alarming. The previous regime’s abuse of the education system — erasing civic content and politicising syllabi — was one of its worst offences. Fixing it has to be a top priority.
As elections approach, and with the interim government signalling that polls will be held in February 2026, political parties must present clear, detailed policies on how they will repair and reimagine the education system, making it a top priority alongside health and the economy. The upcoming election in a transitioning Bangladesh should be policy-orientated, not consumed by religious or ideological battles. If we are to rise like a phoenix from the damage inflicted by the fallen authoritarian government, there is no alternative but to focus on rebuilding our education system, with civic education at its core. Civic education is not just about memorising the names of institutions or the dates of elections — it’s about equipping every citizen with the knowledge, skills, and confidence to engage with government, defend their rights, and hold leaders accountable. While many political leaders are currently emphasising changing laws or even rewriting the constitution as a safeguard against future fascists or dictators, history has repeatedly shown that no law or constitution alone has ever prevented the rise of authoritarianism. The only sustainable policy is to improve our education system and integrate civic education at every level, empowering citizens to recognise and resist authoritarian drift.
Across South Asia, education systems overemphasise science, technology, engineering and mathematics, popularly known as STEM education, which is vital for development, but it cannot replace political literacy. Knowing how to code won’t help people defend democracy if they don’t understand how power operates or how to advocate for justice. In today’s Bangladesh, the critical question is: Are we preparing young people to be thoughtful citizens, not just skilled professionals? Without civic education, we risk raising generations who thrive in the job market but remain disengaged from public life and powerless against injustice or authoritarianism.
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How we move forward
If we want to safeguard democracy, we must integrate civic and political education across the entire education system — from high school through university. The reform must be implemented across both general and madrasa education systems, ensuring that every student gains the knowledge and skills to participate fully in a democratic society.
But first, we must redefine what reform means. True reform is not rewriting laws or constitutions that can be ignored or twisted. Reform means investing in political awareness. Through civic education, people learn their rights and how to defend them. A politically aware public can hold any government — elected or not — accountable. This takes time, but it’s possible and urgent. If we want a resilient democracy, we must build a citizenry that can think critically, challenge power, and recognise authoritarian drift.
At the high school level, civic education ought not to be a single subject taught once. Every grade needs to include a civic course that explains how government works and engages students in it. Schools can run mock elections, student congresses, or assign civic projects involving local government. These activities show students that politics is not distant — it’s theirs to shape.
At the college level, civic education needs to be a general requirement, regardless of major. Intro-level political science or civic literacy courses are best made mandatory. Colleges can also provide civic internships or partnerships with NGOs, local offices, and advocacy groups to offer real-world exposure.
At the university level, public and national universities can build interdisciplinary courses on democracy, equity, and governance. Town halls, debates, and public forums need to be part of campus life. While very few private universities in our country include civic education in their core curricula, most universities treat it as optional. That must change. Civic education has to be at the heart of undergraduate training to create leaders who understand power and how to challenge it.
Civic education is not optional — it is the most essential reform we can make. We citizens must demand that every party put civic education at the centre of their platform and reject empty rhetoric. If we want to ensure no dictator rises again, we must arm every generation with the knowledge and courage to recognise authoritarianism and confront it.
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Tasnia Symoom is a political scientist and postdoctoral fellow at the University of Kentucky. Her research focuses on democracy, authoritarian transitional challenges, and South Asia.