THE July uprising exposed harsh truth. One of the most painful aspects was that the police, once seen as protectors, become a symbol of repression. The realisation pushed police reforms into the national spotlight, prompting the interim government to establish the police reforms commission, one of the six set up in the early phase of the interim goverment. The recently published report of the commission, once expected to be a turning point in reshaping policing, is now facing criticism of experts, civil society and, even, members of the police force.
At the heart of the discontent lie the watered-down recommendations regarding the establishment of an independent police commission, one of the most popular and urgent demands of stakeholders across the board who believe such a body would insulate the police from political interference. The crackdown during the July鈥揂ugust mass uprising starkly underscored how deeply political influence has eroded the credibility of the police. Yet, despite repeated calls from civil society, police officers and, even, political parties, the report offers only a diluted version of this crucial recommendation.
Instead of outlining a clear structure or legal framework for an independent police commission, the report merely notes that the idea 鈥榬equires further examination by experts鈥� 鈥� a missed opportunity given that the commission was expected to serve as that expert body. Similarly, it sidesteps the widely endorsed call for the replacement of the colonial-era Police Act 1861. This law, originally designed to maintain colonial control rather than promote democratic accountability, remains a troubling relic. Although the police headquarters submitted detailed reform suggestions, annexed to the commission鈥檚 report, the final document resorts to vague language, merely suggesting that 鈥榦utdated laws should be reviewed or replaced.鈥�
As a result, the more promising and actionable recommendations in the report have been overshadowed by the shortcomings and sidelined in the broader reform debate. Even the consensus commission, tasked with aligning all five reform reports through a political consensus, has entirely dismissed the police reforms commission鈥檚 recommendations, claiming that police reform can be achieved through executive orders. Yet, no meaningful progress has followed. In the July charter, the police reform may be conspicuously absent, marking a frustrating setback for the commission members, student representatives, victims of police violence and officers concerned still hoping for a more just and accountable institution.
Yet, overlooking the citizen-centric reforms that the report does offer would mean another missed opportunity, reforms that may not require massive legal overhauls but could still catalyse meaningful changes. The proposals are found in the report鈥檚 section titled 鈥楩rom Power-Centric Policing to People-Centric Policing鈥� (pp 68鈥�78), which I was privileged to contribute to as the student representative.
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Power- to people-centric policing
The section begins with a simple premise: the relationship between the police and the public is fundamentally broken. Many citizens do not understand their rights during police interaction, making them vulnerable to harassment and bribery. At the same time, public perception has impacted so deeply over the time that the police are largely seen as agents of coercion rather than public service, a perception only deepened by their action during the July uprising.
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Early awareness from schools
THE report proposes several initiatives that seek to rebuild trust from the ground up to address the issue. One of the transformative yet practical recommendations is to include public-police relationship content in the school curriculum. The goal is to create basic awareness among students of laws, fundamental rights and law enforcement functions. This initiative could serve as an important icebreaker, encouraging empathy and dismantling mutual suspicion between young citizens and police.
As adding policing, laws and rights-related contents to curriculum is a middle- to long-term goal, some interim steps can be immediately taken. District-level police officers can begin visiting schools to hold awareness sessions while selected students could visit local police stations to observe officers handling everyday issues. These engagements would not only humanise police officers in the eyes of the youth but also remind officers of the communities that they are meant to serve. Many superintendents of police, additional superintendent of police and deputy commissioners I have spoken to are enthusiastic about the initiative. What is now required is a formal directive, as a form of notice or a letter, from the ministry to implement this nationwide.
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Community policing: tool of accountability
ANOTHER vital proposal is the restructuring of community policing. In practice, community policing Bangladesh has often been misused. The local elite have dominated the committees, using them as shields against their own misconduct. The report calls for a paradigm shift, advocating a new model in which community policing functions as a tool of accountability and a mechanism of check and balance, empowering residents to monitor and collaborate with law enforcement.
In this reformed model, community policing committees should be composed of diverse, credible and non-partisan members, with clear mandates for monitoring police conduct, relaying public grievances and building bridges between citizens and the police. Rather than acting as passive informants or political operatives, committee members must become active participants in fostering law and order, holding the police accountable and supported through proper training and institutional backing.
This approach is further strengthened by the recommendation to hold regular town hall meetings. The forums would bring together school teachers, students, religious leaders, political figures and law enforcement to review local safety conditions, raise community concerns and share police performance data. Such transparency would strengthen public trust in holding the police accountable in a collaborative, participatory manner. The meetings could be institutionalised as monthly forums where performance scorecards and incident reports are publicly shared and community voices are formally documented.
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Resource allocation, infrastructure
THE report calls for a proper allocation of budget and infrastructure to support the initiatives in districts. This includes setting aside resources for community policing training, awareness campaigns and logistical support for school-police programs. Without these institutional supports, even the best ideas risk fading into paper promises.
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Policing by citizen-led accountability
FOR these recommendations to move forward, coordinated leadership is essential, from the home affairs ministry, the phlice Headquarters, the education ministry and the local administration, to civil society coalitions. The media must also play a proactive role, not only in keeping police reforms on the national agenda but also in acting as a watchdog to track the implementation of the citizen-centric proposals.
Some may argue that bringing the police and citizens too close could reduce the fear needed to maintain order. But in a healthy democracy, civic discipline should stem from respect for the law, not fear of law enforcement. A professional, rights-based police force does not require fear to command authority. It earns legitimacy through accountability and services.
While the omission of structural reforms such as an independent police commission and a new police act is a disappointment, the citizen-oriented proposals within the report must not be forgotten. If implemented seriously, they could lay the groundwork for a policing model rooted in public trust, transparency and shared responsibility.
As a member and student representative on the police reforms commission, I may not have succeeded in securing every demand. But I carry the responsibility to bring the commission鈥檚 overlooked recommendations into the public conversation, recommendations that, if taken seriously, could to help transform the police into a more citizen-centric institution, a true guardian of society. Because real reforms do not endure through executive orders or top-level consensus alone, it begins when people are aware, empowered and ready to hold institutions accountable. It begins from the bottom. And, if our laws do not hold the police accountable, our people must.
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Md Zarif Rahman is a researcher and development practitioner. He worked as a member and the student representative on the police reforms commission.
