THE Appellate Division coming to revoke the July 5 High Court verdict that asked the government to reinstate 30 per cent quotas in government jobs for the children and grandchildren of freedom fighters, sparking massive student protests, does not, and will not, heal the wounds that have been inflicted on the nation since July 15.
Such a decision for reforming the quota, which is by every explanation was illogical and discriminatory, could have been given earlier by the court or the government as the court put the executive at liberty to reform the quota. The Awami League government, however, wanted the order to come from the court.
In the meantime, the government and the Awami League that presides over it have pushed the country to an unthinkable level of unrest and violence the like of which has never been seen in the country.
Since independence, the country did not see such an insane level of violence that has been going on for the past few days and has left, keeping to even the most conservative count, 136 people, mostly students, dead, in mostly police firing. Impractical governance, coupled with mindless obstinacy on part of the government to the genuine demand of the students for reforms in the discriminatory quota system, took things to a perilous pass.听听听
The government response to the student protest has from the very beginning been irrational, counterproductive and dangerous. In response to the massive protests, mostly on university and college campuses by students, the government initially did not even respond to students鈥� legitimate demands when at the same time, it kept digging at the protesters. The government then chose to take irrational measures to contain the protest, which had by then spread across the country, receiving support and solidarity from school and college students and people from all walks of life.
The responsibility for the hell that has been created falls squarely on the government and, largely, on the prime minister and some other ministers, whose unbecoming comments added fuel to the already massive fire. The statements of other Awami League leaders and ministers, who spoke of containing the protest using coercive measures, made things worse. On July 14, the prime minister at a press conference dug at the protesters, termed them, by implication, razakars, meaning collaborators of the Pakistani army during the liberation war. The remark triggered a deep sense of insult among the students who took to the streets in their thousands at night on July 14. The general secretary of the Awami League, also the roads and bridges minister, on July 15 said that the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, was ready to counter the quota protesters. On that very day, Chhatra League activists forced the peaceful protest to enter a violent phase with attacks on protesters, including female students, at universities. These attacks, where the law enforcement agencies played a partisan role, shocked not only the protesters but the entire nation. Protests flared up further. At night on July 15, armed Chatra League activists again attacked protesting students at universities while the law enforcement agencies aided them. Protesting students, eventually, gathered and fought armed Chhatra league activists and eventually took control of the universities.
The government, even then, took no steps to ameliorate the situation. It still went on taking unbelievable measures to contain the movement. As a result, violence intensified, leading to the death of at least six people, mostly students, on July 16. That day, it almost reached a point of no return for protesters. And all this was because of the irrational coercive measures taken by the government.
As protesting students took control of the universities on July 16, the government closed all schools and colleges while university administrations, in their classic show of servility, closed the universities the next day and called the law enforcement agencies to force unwilling and resisting students out, without showing the slightest regard for the safety and security of the students.
The government did not stop there, too. It continued to illogically demand that the protestors should stop agitation and wait for a court verdict. The High Court in its full verdict on July 14 said that the government could frame rules and guidelines to ensure the participation of backward sections of the citizens in public service recruitment as it did in its short verdict on July 11, stating that the government is at liberty to change, reduce or increase the ratio or percentage of quota. The obstinate standing of the government, the executive for that matter, meanwhile, compounded the affair beyond reparation.
The next three days, especially July 18鈥�19, saw a bloodbath. At least, 110 protesters, now joined in by ordinary people and guardians, died in police firing while about 1,000 were injured. In the afternoon on July 18, when almost the whole country was gripped by clashes, the government offered to discuss the issue with the protesters. July 19 has so far been the bloodiest, with the death of at least 70 people that included protesters, pedestrians, ordinary people, police personnel and journalists. The government was forced to declare curfew and call in the army. Yet, at least 24 protesters died in clashes in the first day of the curfew. Meanwhile, the government decision to snap internet services has created an information blackout and caused immense sufferings to people and businesses.
What is shocking in all this is that the government did not show any remorse and, rather, spoke of taking more high-handed measures to contain the unrest. Dangerous and disgusting remarks continued to come from different ministers. A minister said that the government had enough ammunition to shoot continuously for the next five years.
The government also used its old method of 鈥榞iving the protesters a bad name and go high-handed on them.鈥� It has continued to blame parties in opposition for the protests and violence, not acknowledging its own irrational stance that has antagonised the entire nation.
The protest may or may not come to an end now, but the wounds that the authorities created while dealing with it will cast a long, indelible shadow.
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Monwarul Islam is an assistant editor听 at 抖阴精品.
