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THE July uprising, a watershed moment in the nation’s history, will be remembered not only for its political ramifications but also for the powerful and defining role played by women, specifically mothers and daughters. Their collective action, a potent blend of seasoned wisdom and youthful idealism, became the uprising’s driving force, shaping its character and ultimately its outcome. This movement, however, stands in stark contrast to the mass uprisings of 1969 and 1990, distinguished by its methods, inclusivity, and deeply personal yet profoundly political motivations.

The contributions of mothers and daughters in the July uprising were multifaceted and indispensable. Mothers, many of whom had witnessed the political turmoil of previous decades, brought a strategic patience and a deep-seated understanding of the long game of political change. They were the organisers of the community kitchens that fed thousands of protesters, turning the simple act of providing a meal into a powerful symbol of solidarity and sustenance. Their homes became safe houses, their courtyards clandestine meeting spots, and their voices — though often not on the front lines of marches — were crucial in mobilising neighbourhood networks and disseminating information through channels that evaded state surveillance. They were the silent sentinels, the logistical backbone of a movement that ran on more than just revolutionary fervour.

Daughters, on the other hand, infused the uprising with dynamic, tech-savvy energy. Fluent in the language of social media, they weaponised hashtags, live-streamed acts of defiance, and created viral content that galvanised international attention and support. They were the digital architects of dissent, using encrypted messaging apps to coordinate flash mobs and organise protests with a speed and agility that constantly outmanoeuvred the authorities. Their youthful audacity saw them at the forefront of the marches, their voices chanting slogans of freedom and their bodies forming human chains to protect their peers from police brutality. They were the artists who painted the murals of resistance, the poets whose verses became anthems of the revolution, and the citizen journalists who documented every moment, ensuring that the world would bear witness.

The synergy between mother and daughter was perhaps the most potent weapon of the July Uprising. In countless instances, a mother’s experience would temper a daughter’s impulsiveness, while a daughter’s technological prowess would amplify a mother’s organisational efforts. They marched side by side, a physical embodiment of the intergenerational struggle for a better future. This partnership was not merely logistical; it was deeply emotional. The shared experience of protest forged new bonds of respect and understanding between generations, breaking down traditional patriarchal structures within the family unit itself.

Their expectations were as layered as their contributions. For the mothers, the uprising was a chance to finally exorcise the ghosts of the past. Having seen the promises of previous movements fall short, their primary expectation was the establishment of a truly accountable and transparent system of governance. They sought not just political change, but a societal transformation that would guarantee their children a future free from the corruption and oppression they had endured. The daughters, while sharing these long-term goals, also had more immediate demands. They sought an end to the pervasive culture of impunity, greater social freedoms, and a tangible stake in the nation’s political and economic life. They demanded a seat at the table — not in the distant future, but now.

In terms of achievements, the July uprising secured significant concessions that had once seemed unattainable. The immediate resignation of the ruling regime was a monumental victory. Furthermore, the establishment of a transitional council with a significant number of women — many of whom were prominent figures in the uprising — was a direct result of their relentless pressure. The digital archives created and maintained by the younger generation of activists now serve as an irrefutable record of human rights abuses, paving the way for future transitional justice mechanisms. Perhaps the most profound achievement, however, was the seismic shift in the nation’s political consciousness. The uprising demonstrated that true power resides not with the state, but with the people — and that women are not just participants in the struggle for democracy, but essential leaders.

The July uprising stands in sharp relief when compared to the mass uprisings of 1969 and 1990. The 1969 uprising, while successful in its immediate goal of toppling a dictator, was largely a male-dominated affair. The narrative of heroism and sacrifice was almost exclusively centred on male student leaders and political activists. Women’s roles, though present, were relegated to the background — largely undocumented and uncelebrated. The movement’s ideology was also more rigidly hierarchical and driven by established political parties.

The 1990 uprising, while witnessing greater female participation than its predecessor, was still constrained by a more traditional and patriarchal social fabric. The leadership remained predominantly male, and the discourse surrounding the movement often framed women as symbols of national honour to be protected, rather than as autonomous political actors with their own agency and demands. The tools of mobilisation were also limited to print media and word of mouth, resulting in slower and more centralised organisation.

The July uprising was fundamentally different. It was a decentralised, leaderless movement in many respects — a ‘rhizomatic’ revolution that grew organically from the grassroots. This decentralised structure created a more inclusive space for women to assume leadership roles without needing the validation of a patriarchal party structure. The use of technology not only facilitated rapid mobilisation but also democratised the narrative of the uprising, allowing women to tell their own stories in their own voices. Furthermore, the 2024 uprising was explicitly intersectional, recognising that the fight for democracy was inseparable from the fight for gender equality, social justice, and human rights for all.

In conclusion, the July uprising will be chronicled as a testament to the indomitable spirit of our nation’s mothers and daughters. They were the heart and soul of the movement, their courage and ingenuity rewriting the playbook of civil resistance. Their legacy lies not only in the political victories won, but in the profound social transformation they ignited — a transformation that has redefined the role of women in our society and set a powerful precedent for generations to come. They have shown us that the future is not only female, but is forged in the unbreakable bond between a mother’s wisdom and a daughter’s dream.

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Mohammad Jashim Uddin is an associate professor of English at the Northern University Bangladesh.