CORRUPTION in Bangladesh is no longer just a political nuisance, it is an existential crisis. It undermines governance, distorts economic growth and erodes public trust in institutions. From the corridors of power to everyday interactions, corruption has embedded itself so deeply in society that many now see it as an unavoidable reality rather than a crime.
Yet history proves that no nation is doomed to corruption forever. Countries once plagued by rampant graft, such as Singapore and Rwanda, have transformed through decisive action, strong institutions and a shift in national values. The real question is not whether corruption can be eliminated, but whether Bangladesh has the political will to do so.
The latest Corruption Perceptions Index 2024, serves as a wake-up call. Bangladesh has slipped two places to 151st out of 180 nations, ranking 14th from the bottom globally and the second most corrupt country in South Asia after Afghanistan. It has now been classified as a nation with a 鈥榲ery serious corruption problem.鈥� This is more than a ranking 鈥� it is a warning. A warning that unless urgent and systemic reforms are undertaken, Bangladesh risks sliding further into economic instability, democratic decline and social unrest.
On paper, Bangladesh has seen impressive economic growth. Yet prosperity remains elusive for millions. Corruption redirects national wealth from the people to a privileged elite, exacerbating inequality and depriving citizens of basic services. The latest White Paper on Corruption reveals a staggering truth: over the past decade, Tk 11 trillion ($100 billion) has been syphoned out of Bangladesh through money laundering. This is not just financial loss 鈥� it represents the systematic looting of national resources. The consequences are visible everywhere. Hospitals lack essential equipment, while public funds are funnelled abroad. Roads crumble within months of construction due to substandard materials and kickbacks. The education system, which should be a pillar of progress, is riddled with irregularities, from leaked exam papers to bribery in teacher recruitment. While ordinary citizens struggle with rising living costs, a select few amass wealth in Toronto, London and Dubai, purchasing luxury properties with stolen money. Bangladesh鈥檚 financial system, instead of safeguarding national assets, has enabled this theft through weak regulatory oversight and political interference.
Beyond economic disparity, corruption has weakened Bangladesh鈥檚 democracy. Elections are no longer determined by public will but by financial muscle and political patronage. Vote-buying, intimidation and suppression of opposition voices have turned elections into contests of financial power rather than democratic exercises. Institutions meant to uphold democracy 鈥� the judiciary, police and Election Commission 鈥� often function under political influence, making true accountability impossible.
When justice is selective, corruption thrives. Voter turnout declines, disillusionment spreads, and power remains in the hands of those who exploit the system. If people no longer believe their votes matter, democracy itself is at risk. The July Uprising of 2024 demonstrated that citizens are no longer willing to tolerate this reality. Protesters took to the streets, demanding not just economic relief but structural change. In response, the government formed the Anti-Corruption Reform Commission, a promising step 鈥� if it is allowed to function independently. The lingering question remains: is the government genuinely committed to reform, or is it merely managing corruption more discreetly?
Despite state repression, one force has consistently exposed corruption over the decades: the media. Investigative journalists have uncovered major scandals, from banking frauds to public-sector embezzlement. And their work comes at a cost 鈥� intimidation, legal harassment and even direct censorship. Bangladesh must recognise that a strong, independent media is not a threat 鈥� it is a safeguard for democracy.
The challenge runs deeper than politics; corruption has become ingrained in daily life. From small bribes for government services to fake academic certificates, corruption is seen by many as a survival mechanism. Breaking this cycle requires more than just stricter laws 鈥� it demands a cultural shift. Countries like Japan have tackled corruption by embedding ethics into education. Schools teach honesty, discipline and responsibility from an early age, making corruption socially unacceptable. Bangladesh must adopt a similar approach. Integrity must be reinforced in schools, workplaces and government institutions to create a future where corruption is seen as a disgrace, not a necessity.
History shows that corruption can be defeated when political will meets systemic reform. Singapore in the 1960s faced rampant corruption but introduced a zero-tolerance policy, established an independent anti-corruption agency and enforced strict transparency laws. Today, it is one of the least corrupt nations in the world. Rwanda, after the devastation of genocide, digitised public services to reduce bribery and placed strict penalties on corruption, ensuring that even the highest officials were held accountable. These reforms worked not because of laws alone, but because they were backed by leadership committed to genuine change.
Bangladesh can follow these models if its leaders are willing to act. The Anti-Corruption Reform Commission must be truly independent, free from political influence. The digitisation of government services can minimise human discretion in transactions, reducing the scope for bribery. Political party financing must be reformed to curb the influence of illicit money in elections. Asset declarations for public officials must become mandatory, with independent audits ensuring transparency. Whistleblower protections must be strengthened so that citizens can report corruption without fear of retaliation.
At its core, the fight against corruption is not just about governance 鈥� it is about the future of Bangladesh. The July Uprising proved that the people are ready for change. The question now is whether the leadership will rise to the challenge. Will they take decisive action, or will they continue to manage corruption rather than eliminate it? Half-measures will no longer suffice. The Anti-Corruption Reform Commission must be more than a symbolic gesture鈥攊t must be an independent body with real authority. Anti-corruption laws must be enforced without exception, even against those in power.
The people have already spoken. Now, it is up to those in power to prove where they stand. Will they fight corruption, or will they let it define Bangladesh鈥檚 future? The choice is theirs. And history will remember their decision.
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Muhammad Jahid Hasan is a freelance journalist.
