WHEN the nation’s anti-graft watchdog itself becomes synonymous with corruption, the damage goes far beyond individual scandals — it strikes at the moral core of accountability in Bangladesh. As ¶¶Òõ¾«Æ· reported on September 14, 2025, the Anti-Corruption Commission has disciplined 244 of its own officials over the past 17 years for taking bribes, extorting money or seeking illegal favours from those under investigation. Thirty-four were dismissed outright, but most walked away with little more than internal penalties, leaving the impression that impunity is the rule, not the exception — a pattern of internal graft that has long weakened the commission’s very purpose, ensuring grafters are never deterred.
Ever since the country was ignominiously ranked the world’s most corrupt from 2001 to 2006, I have asked myself, year after year, how such a feat was possible. The answer is now clear: dishonest individuals colluded with corrupt bureaucrats to evade accountability, while those bureaucrats relied on political cover from equally corrupt politicians to share in illicit gains. This shameful ranking was no accident — it was the inevitable outcome of systematically engineered plunder. Under the Awami League’s kleptofascism, even anti-poverty programs designed to uplift the vulnerable became toll booths, where the poorest citizens were forced to pay hidden ‘fees’ simply to access what was rightfully theirs, diverted instead by the intertwined interests of politicians and bureaucrats.
The most recent cases are especially alarming: senior ACC directors accused of extorting crores of taka from schools and drug companies, accepting ‘medical expenses’ from suspects under investigation, or even occupying apartments rent-free that belonged to corruption cases. Such scandals echo earlier disgraces — like the 2019 conviction of ACC director Enamul Basir for taking a Tk 25 lakh bribe from a police officer, or the 2011 case of Sabbir Ahmed caught red-handed with Tk 10 lakh in Chattogram. Each headline deepens public cynicism. Today, the scandal within the ACC has made it look less like an Anti-Corruption Commission and more like ‘Active Corruption Collaborators.’
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Numbers tell the story
SINCE its establishment in 2004, replacing the Bureau of Anti-Corruption, the ACC was supposed to usher in a new era of transparency. It began operating in full swing under the army-backed caretaker government in 2007–08, raising hopes that high-level graft could finally be checked. But the record since then tells a darker tale.
Between 2008 and 2025, at least 244 ACC officials faced penalties. Yet only 34 were dismissed. The rest received soft landings: forced retirements, demotions or temporary suspensions. Departmental actions became an escape hatch, shielding officials from criminal prosecution. As Transparency International Bangladesh’s executive director Iftekharuzzaman bluntly noted, ‘It’s not enough to take only departmental action, they must be handed over to the court for trial.’
But that has rarely happened. The pattern of selective punishment, followed by quiet reinstatement or retirement, has fuelled a culture of impunity. An institution with this record risks being remembered less as an Anti-Corruption Commission and more as ‘Active Corruption Collaborators.’
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Mere suspension is not enough
EVEN when officials are suspended, the damage persists. Administrative action alone is insufficient; the public must see accountability in action. When suspensions are announced quietly or internal inquiries are shrouded in secrecy, the ACC signals that its corrupt officials are still shielded. As I argued in an article published in ¶¶Òõ¾«Æ· on September 10, suspensions without public disclosure or criminal prosecution allow the commission to become a symbolic façade, reinforcing the perception of corruption collaborators disguised as watchdogs. Transparency International Bangladesh and former ACC officials alike warn that departmental penalties alone cannot restore trust.
Public shaming, criminal prosecution and full transparency are not humiliation for its own sake — they are essential tools to break the cycle of impunity. Honest ACC officers cannot function properly while corrupt colleagues roam unchecked; the system punishes integrity as much as it shelters wrongdoing. To reclaim its mandate, the ACC must make consequences for graft visible, enforceable and inescapable, demonstrating that corruption within the commission is not tolerated under any circumstances.
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Why this matters beyond ACC
SOME might argue: isn’t corruption endemic across all institutions? Why single out the ACC? The answer is simple: because it is meant to be the last line of defence. When the police, bureaucracy or political class are compromised, the ACC is supposed to stand firm as a corrective force. Instead, it has collapsed inward, consumed by the same rot it was built to fight.
This betrayal cuts deep. Citizens who dare to report graft already face threats and harassment. If they believe ACC officials will themselves shake down suspects for ‘fees’ to close cases, why would they ever come forward? Honest officers within the commission — who might wish to pursue investigations sincerely — find themselves isolated, demoralised, and sometimes punished for doing their jobs.
The net effect is corrosive. Public trust in governance erodes. Cynicism hardens into apathy. The narrative takes hold that all guardians are simply collaborators in corruption, wearing different uniforms.
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The way forward
THE crisis is not without solutions, but they demand political will. Suspects within the ACC should face criminal prosecution in open court rather than being shielded by mere administrative penalties, as anything less amounts to complicity. The internal prevention committee, created in 2007 to monitor graft within the ACC but now defunct, must be revived, empowered, and made transparent. At the same time, honest officers who resist corruption should be protected, promoted, and made visible as examples of integrity. Finally, transparency in disciplinary records is crucial, with details of actions, convictions, and reinstatements published so the public can witness accountability in action.
Former ACC officials like Moyeedul Islam have long argued that without strong internal cleansing, the commission loses its moral authority. Transparency International has echoed that warning. The government, too, cannot afford to ignore it: a compromised ACC weakens the entire state’s legitimacy. To stop being collaborators in corruption, the ACC must cleanse itself decisively — or risk permanent irrelevance.
Equally vital, the Anti-Corruption Commission must be empowered and granted full authority, independence and protection against political interference. To inoculate the ACC against the virus of corruption, officers should rank among the highest-paid and most privileged government servants.
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The self-perpetuating corruption triangle
THE corruption triangle is a closed cycle sustained by three actors: dishonest people at the left base corner, corrupt politicians at the right base corner, and the ACC and law enforcers at the apex. The arrows that run upward in the triangle represent the steady flow of bribes and illicit payments. Dishonest people pass money upward, politicians collect their share, and the ACC officials who should be watchdogs instead become gatekeepers of corruption. These arrows show how money cements the structure.
The arrows that run downward do not represent money flowing back, because the ACC does not return what it takes. Rather, they signify protection, impunity, and political shelter. Politicians and the ACC shield dishonest people from legal consequences, allowing them to continue bribing, extorting, or looting without fear of exposure. The cycle is thus complete: money flows up, protection flows down, and every corner of the triangle reinforces the others.
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Conclusion: the guardian joins the thieves
BANGLADESH cannot afford an anti-graft body that is itself captive to graft. Each new scandal within the ACC is not just an embarrassment; it is a betrayal of the nation’s fragile hope for accountability. Unless the commission purges its own ranks and subjects its officials to the same justice it demands of others, it will remain in the public mind what it has already come to resemble: not the Anti-Corruption Commission, but the ‘Active Corruption Collaborators.’
The choice before the ACC is stark: reform or irrelevance. Guardian or wolf. Commission or collaborator. If the guardian continues to join the thieves, the last hope for accountability in Bangladesh will collapse into cynicism beyond repair. The people are watching, and their patience is not infinite.
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Dr Abdullah A Dewan is a former physicist and nuclear engineer at the BAEC and professor emeritus of economics at Eastern Michigan University, USA.