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A CUNNING jackal once lived with a tiger, a mouse, a wolf and a mongoose. He was extremely selfish. One day, the group attempted to hunt a deer but failed. The jackal then proposed a plan: when the deer lies down, the mouse should bite its legs so that the tiger could catch it easily. The plan succeeded. The jackal then said, ‘Go bathe in the river. I’ll guard the deer’s body.’ The others agreed.

When the tiger returned first, the jackal feigned concern and told him that the mouse had claimed to have killed the deer alone, mocking the tiger’s strength. Enraged, the tiger stormed off. Then came the mouse. The jackal lied again, saying the wolf thought the meat was poisoned and intended to eat the mouse instead. Terrified, the mouse ran off. When the wolf returned, the jackal warned him that the tiger was furious and approaching. The wolf fled, too. Finally, the mongoose arrived. The jackal challenged him to a fight for the deer. The mongoose declined, acknowledging the jackal’s strength, and left. In the end, the manipulative jackal devoured the deer alone.

This fable metaphorically reflects the political economy of Bangladesh, where marginalised people — including Indigenous communities — are systematically excluded from state power and resources, much like the animals in the story. A small elite class manipulates the system to consume all benefits, while the rest are driven away through misinformation, fear, and force.

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Legacy of exclusion

WHEN Bangladesh’s Constitution was drafted, indigenous people demanded recognition and inclusion in governance and the state machinery. However, their calls were ignored. Over the past five decades, national budgets have consistently marginalised these communities.

In his book, ‘Political Economy of Unpeopling: Family Farming, Rural Women, Indigenous Peoples and Land Reform in the 50 Years of National Budget in Bangladesh’ (2023), noted economist Dr Abul Barkat calls this process ‘un-peopling’ — a systematic exclusion of 95 per cent of the population, comprising the poor and marginalised, from state systems. Meanwhile, a small elite — roughly 5 per cent of the population — monopolises state power and resources. This elite is the jackal of the Bangladeshi state structure — opportunistic and predatory.

Over the past five decades (1972–2022), the total national budget — adjusted to 2021–22 market prices — was approximately Tk 60 lakh 35 thousand 913 crore. Of this, only Tk 1 lakh 758 crore (1.67 per cent) was allocated for indigenous-related programmes and projects, despite Indigenous peoples accounting for 2.94 per cent of the total population, roughly five million people.

This stark discrepancy lays bare a significant injustice. Based on their population proportion, indigenous peoples were entitled to a fair share of Tk 1 lakh 77 thousand 456 crore. However, what they received — Tk 1 lakh 758 crore in total (including both development and non-development expenditures) — amounts to just 57 per cent of their rightful allocation. Of this amount, only Tk 37 thousand 280 crore was allocated for development purposes, representing a mere 21 per cent of their due development share.Ìý

Undoubtedly, over five decades, Indigenous communities were deprived of Tk 76 thousand 698 crore in national budget allocations. At present market value, this amounts to an annual shortfall of around Tk 1 thousand 534 crore. When examined proportionately, the scale of discrimination becomes clearer: indigenous communities received only 57 per cent of their rightful total share. The remaining 43 per cent was withheld. Moreover, of the funds they did receive, 63 per cent were spent on non-development purposes — allocations that had little to no tangible impact on Indigenous livelihoods.

When measured solely in terms of development allocations, the extent of deprivation becomes even more shocking. In this context, the actual rate of exclusion and exploitation rises to 376 per cent. Indigenous communities received only 21 per cent of their rightful development allocation, while 79 per cent was denied. This translates into a cumulative development budget deprivation of Tk 1 lakh 40 thousand 176 crore (at 2021–22 market prices).

Rather than being invested in improving Indigenous lives, this enormous sum was effectively redirected to the wealthiest 5 per cent of the population — those who dominate the corridors of power and benefit from structural exploitation. If development allocations had been based on population share, Indigenous communities should have received Tk 1 lakh 40 thousand 176 crore, but they received only 21 per cent of this amount. The rest was, in essence, robbed — absorbed by the elite few, represented once again by the metaphorical jackal.

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Budget trends and proposed model

ACCORDING to a series of reports jointly published by the Association for Land Reform and Development and the Human Development Research Centre — namely ‘National Budget Allocation for Family Farming, Rural Women, Indigenous Communities, and Agrarian-Land-Water Reform, 2023’, ‘Budget Perspectives 2024 for the Development of Marginalised Communities in Bangladesh’, and ‘Budget Perspectives 2025’ — per capita budget allocations for Indigenous peoples have decreased over the past three fiscal years, even as the national per capita allocation has risen.

In the most recent fiscal year (2024–25), the national per capita allocation increased to Tk 47,032. By contrast, the per capita allocation for Indigenous peoples declined significantly to just Tk 6,753 — creating a gap of Tk 40,279.

In his book, Dr Abul Barkat has proposed a model with two central strategies to redress the historical disparities in budgetary distribution. First, he stresses the urgent need to close the existing allocation gap in the national budget. Second, he advocates for the implementation of ‘positive discrimination’ — a policy approach designed to maintain per capita budget allocations for indigenous peoples above the national average for at least the next decade. This would pave the way for equitable development and social justice.

To close the current budgetary gap, Tk 40,279 must be added to the present indigenous per capita allocation of Tk 6,753. Moreover, to compensate for accumulated deprivation, Dr Barkat proposes applying an additional Tk 13,426 per person (equivalent to one-third of the current gap). This would raise the total per capita allocation for Indigenous peoples to Tk 60,458.

It is important to note that Indigenous communities also fall under other marginalised groups such as family farmers, rural women and those affected by land and agrarian reform. As such, they are doubly entitled to specific budgetary allocations under these categories as well.

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Call for immediate action

AS IN previous years, the Association for Land Reform and Development and the Human Development Research Centre have jointly published the report ‘Budget Perspectives for the Development of Bangladesh’s Marginalised Communities 2025’. As an immediate measure, the report recommends allocating at least Tk 101 billion (Tk 10,100 crore) for Indigenous peoples in the upcoming national budget for the 2025–26 fiscal year. It also proposes that 60 per cent of this allocation be reserved for indigenous peoples in the plains and 40 per cent for those in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Crucially, it calls for the per capita allocation for indigenous peoples to be ‘doubled’.

After over five decades of systemic exploitation and budgetary marginalisation, the current moment — particularly in the aftermath of the post-July uprising — offers a historic opportunity to correct this entrenched injustice. Policymakers must respond to the repeated, well-documented appeals of civil society and ensure fair, population-based allocations in the national budget for Indigenous communities.

Equity cannot be achieved through symbolic gestures or token representation. It must begin with structural change and resource redistribution. Unless the jackal-like exploitation embedded in Bangladesh’s political economy is dismantled, true justice for indigenous peoples will remain out of reach.

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Milinda Marma is an indigenous writer and activist.