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Even though democracy in Bangladesh was guided and managed by one political party, the July uprising indicated the permanence of instant democracy, observes Mohammad Mahfuzul Islam

THE quota reform movement taking the whole nation by storm finally brought down the undemocratic government in Bangladesh. The indignant people, because of the government鈥檚 abduction of political dissenters, extortion by the ruling political leaders, price hikes, and plundering of state resources, finally took control of the prime minister鈥檚 government residence. When people could not take the injustice of the government anymore, they questioned the corrupt performance of the government and led the movement to overthrow the regime.


The way people entered Gonobhaban (the prime minister鈥檚 residence) will remain a strong reminder that people can rightfully take over a place reserved for the supreme leader of a ruling political party. If tentacles of fascism intimidate the people about the excoriation of government decisions and policies, the tsunami of popular resistance can reach the bowels of power abuse. The quota system was designed to help a vested quarter have access to public service jobs through state-approved channels. The plan was to facilitate the selection of applicants so that they did not need to compete with others.听

The protesters demanded the selection of job applicants based on merit. The neoliberal economy promotes meritocracy in the entire world. In Bangladesh, political influence and nepotism dictate the ostensibly merit-based selection of job candidates. The quota system bypasses the neoliberal economy鈥檚 harsh policy of outstanding performance in every sector of an individual鈥檚 life. Although some people initially expressed their exasperation due to the blockade later joined the protesters in the wake of brutal carnage perpetrated by the government.听

The government reformed the quota system, but at the cost of the lives of innocent protesters. The necropolitics used by the government thrived on the dead bodies of the demonstrators, which the government thought would dissuade the protesters from achieving their goals. The fascist regime was predicated on the strategies of browbeating and corruption facilitated by partisan loyalty.

The regime鈥檚 deployment of torture cells euphemistically called Aynaghar (mirror rooms) hinged on human pain to discipline the political dissenters. If anyone without any international connection denounced the government鈥檚 decisions on any issue, they were sent to the torture cells to experience universal human pain and killed if the dissenters declined to recant what they had already shared with the media. Aynaghar will remain a dark chapter in the memory of the victims and the citizens of the country.

Before that, the student wing of the ruling party swooped on the protesters and attacked them violently, causing bloodshed. The images and video footage spread on social media like wildfire. Every conscientious citizen condemned the attack on unarmed protesters drenched in blood. The protesters became even more furious in the aftermath of the attack.

For people, this reform movement was another liberation war. The war in 1971 was against Pakistani colonial rulers, and this time it was against the unfair quota system, necro-politics, ubiquitous corruption, and mindless killings of the AL government. After the downfall of the regime, people felt liberated to speak their minds, which they could not do before due to exorbitant surveillance imposed by the AL government.

The education system in the modern world is designed to look for employment after graduation. These days, although entrepreneurship is promoted, the vicious circle of seeking employment is still alive. In the modern world, the employment rate is one of the indicators of development. Development practitioners castigate unemployment. Since employment is the ultimate goal of receiving formal education, Bangladesh public service jobs are highly valued.

It should be noted that after Bangladesh鈥檚 liberation war, only government jobs were initially available to formally educated citizens. Once the private sector flourished in the country, pressure on the government sector finally ebbed. However, the popularity of Bangladesh Civil Service jobs increased even more when the government revised the pay scale, and the secret option of income through bribes known as speed money still operated in the bureaucracy. The recent incident of question leakage in the BCS examination proves the immense popularity of government jobs and prestige.

The performance barometer disclosed the catastrophic acts of the government. Some of my students directly took part in the mass movement to depose the autocratic political system. One of my students was hit by rubber bullets in her leg. Thinking of her sick mother, she later decided not to go to the protest anymore. Another student was lucky to escape a bullet by a narrow margin fired at the protesters. Democratic imaginations were cultivated by the protesters to uncover the suppressed truth.

Despite the dangers and risks of either being killed or maimed in the movement, the students, along with other citizens, vehemently opposed the authoritarian rule of the AL government and eventually demanded the prime minister鈥檚 resignation. To me, the quota reform movement was also a form of democracy. Democracy is found not only in polls but also in these types of protests and movements. Democracy is not a political system where popular power goes for a deep slumber once the election is over; rather, people鈥檚 regular protests remind the citizens of its permanent nature.

Even in autocracy or dictatorship, the seed of democracy is found in a dormant state, which turns into big waves when suitable conditions arise. In the demonstrations by students at some US universities against Israeli atrocities in Palestine or protests of garment factory workers on the roads for their salaries and bonuses, we find various shades of permanent democracy. Even though democracy in Bangladesh was guided and managed by one political party, protests like these indicate the permanence of instant democracy.听

Mohammad Mahfuzul Islam is an anthropologist working at Independent University, Bangladesh.