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SHEIKH Hasina’s government is now under fire for what many are calling a war against her own people. In the past week alone, more than 200 people were reportedly killed in a brutal crackdown on protests. The government deployed helmeted forces, the Chhatra League, the army, the police and border guards using armoured vehicles and helicopters, turning the country into a scene of chaos and bloodshed. Educational institutions and the internet were shut down and the actual death toll remains unclear as death registers have allegedly been confiscated from hospitals. This level of violence, unseen since the 1971 liberation war, marks a grim chapter in Bangladesh’s history. The mass killings have sparked outrage and comparison to war zones like Gaza. The students’ movement, which began as protests against job quotas, has now evolved into a broader demand for justice and political reforms.

The government’s mishandling of the job quota reform issue, combined with Sheikh Hasina’s inflammatory rhetoric and the Chhatra League attacks on students further fuelled the unrest. The derogatory labelling of protesting students as ‘razakars’ — collaborators with the Pakistan army during the independence war — incited widespread anger and highlighted the strong presence of the liberation war’s spirit among the youth.

This student uprising stands out from past movements in 1952, 1962, 1969 and 1990. It is a surprisingly unprecedented, amazing and new form of student movement. Unlike previous uprisings, it has been organised without the support of student organisations, political parties or professionals. The participation of private university students, previously seen as apolitical, underscores its uniqueness. The scale of participation in this movement surpasses that of some previous uprisings and has been pervasive. A significant feature of this movement is the large participation of female students and the global support from citizens living abroad. In London, the United States, Canada, Europe and even in India, many protests were held against the killings. Specifically in London, numerous demonstrations were organised against the brutal killing. I witnessed people unable to sleep for a few days after watching the horrific attacks on the protesters.

Despite the upheaval reaching a peak, the government remains in power because of the absence of political leadership actively supporting the movement. The lack of political leadership has prevented the movement from achieving its goals and massive attack on students. Larger political parties have remained passive, allowing the students to lead the charge on their own. Political parties have remained on the sidelines, either for or against the movement, but the struggle had its own momentum, pulling the students into the political course. They are now demanding the resignation of the ministers involved and justice for all murders. Students have challenged the established political power. There is nothing wrong with the student movement taking a political turn. In 1952, 1962 and 1969, all student movements took on political forms and challenged despotic powers. There is nothing wrong with political parties supporting the student movement. This has always been the case in our history.

The government’s reliance on state coercion and youth armed groups has alienated it from the masses. Military and business leaders, along with certain media figures, have remained silent about the killings. Businesspeople remained silent about the massacre during their meeting with the prime minister. Some of them even loudly supported the autocratic regime. A group of compliant journalists similarly vowed to do anything to protect and sustain the government. There is, meanwhile, a political settlement, a coalition among various state and non-state groups. Beneath the surface, the dismay and anger of the young generation exploded in the current movement. Corruption, plundering, manipulation and despotic rule jeopardise young people’s future.

Bangladesh is facing an undemocratic, repressive state where civil liberties and individual freedoms are severely compromised. The ruling elite’s accumulation of wealth through political power has undermined democracy, accountability and the people’s control over governance. The government continues to threaten further violence rather than showing remorse for the killing, indicating determination to remaining in power through despotic means. The current government relies entirely on the state’s coercive apparatus and armed youth groups. They have turned the state’s coercive apparatus into party forces. Block raids, massive arrests and torture continue, showing that the government has chosen the oppressive path.

The Bangladesh state has become a completely undemocratic, repressive machine. The ruling elite accumulates wealth by using political power and the state machinery. Civil liberties and individual freedom have been completely abandoned. Fascism has two forms: race-based and extreme statism. State fascism has been established in Bangladesh. The Bangladesh state has become a totalitarian state, its absolute authority crushing all democratic rights, democratic spaces in society, individual freedom and the right to speak and assemble. People’s participation in governance and voting has been completely destroyed, resulting in a lack of accountability.

Our greatest achievement is the emergence of Bangladesh through a liberation war. The spirit and ideals of the liberation war have been destroyed by the ruling party. The proclamation of our independence emphasised equality, human dignity and social justice. The spirit of the liberation war has been used to justify torture and oppression, tarnishing its genuine legacy. The Awami League labels any challenge to its power as anti-liberation, but this time the students have warped this narrative. The spirit of Bangladesh’s liberation war— equality, human dignity and social justice — has been tarnished by the current regime. The Awami League’s labelling of any opposition as anti-liberation has, however, lost its sting this time.

The struggle will continue until the issues are resolved, given the absence of a democratic process in the country. People want justice, an end to autocracy, the disclosure of those murdered and trial for the killing. Young generation would like to have a better future. We need a society where peace, equality and freedom prevail where people’s control over governance and resources is established and society is free of corruption. It is important to continue our struggle to achieve a humane society.

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Dr Akhter Sobhan Khan Masroor is a writer and student leader of the 1990s uprising.