THE Chittagong Hill Tracts region of Bangladesh is not just a rugged landscape filled with hills, forests and rivers; it is also the centre of a long-standing struggle for dignity, recognition and self-determination. At the heart of this struggle are two brothers, Manabendra Narayan Larma (MN Larma) and Jyotirindra Bodhipriya (Santu Larma) Larma. Their vision and courage have significantly transformed the fate of the indigenous peoples in this area.
Their story, marked by sacrifice, leadership and moral clarity, reflects an ancient Buddhist tale 鈥� the J膩taka story of Maha Nandik 鈥� which illustrates how history and myth often intertwine. Throughout human history and even within legends, there are always those who are chosen to sacrifice their lives for a greater cause, leaving a lasting impact that transcends their time.
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Parable of Nandik brothers: lessons from J膩taka tales
THE J膩taka tales recount the previous lives of Gautam Buddha, also known as the Bodhisattva. These stories teach moral and ethical lessons through narratives in which the future Buddha appears in various forms, such as human, animal, or divine beings. One striking tale features King Brahmadatta of Benares. In this story, the Bodhisattva is born as a monkey named Maha Nandik, who lives in the Himalayas with his younger brother, Chulla Nandik and their blind, aging mother. Leading a troop of 80,000 monkeys, the brothers care deeply for their mother. However, when the fruits they provided for her failed to arrive, she grew weak and hungry. Aware of her situation, the two brothers decided to abandon their herd to look after her, settling under a banyan tree. One day, a cruel hunter tried to kill their mother. Maha Nandik and Chulla Nandik each offered their lives to save her, but ultimately, all three of them were slain one by one. In the end, divine retribution occurred: a thunderbolt destroyed the hunter鈥檚 home, killing his family and he became insane, eventually swallowed by the earth.
In this story, Devadatta, the historical antagonist of Gautam Buddha, is depicted as the hunter. Ananda, the Buddha鈥檚 cousin, takes on the role of Chulla Nandik, the younger brother. Lady Gautami, the Buddha鈥檚 foster mother, is portrayed as the mother of the two brothers, while the Bodhisattva is represented as Maha Nandik. The tale conveys an enduring truth: cruelty leads to destruction, while selfless love transcends death.
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Echoes of the hunter: mythical event repeats in CHT
IN SOME cases, the parallels between myth and modern history are striking. In the CHT, MN Larma represented the courage of Maha Nandik, while his younger brother, Santu Larma, mirrored Chulla Nandik. The blind monkey mother symbolised the CHT itself, representing the motherland under threat. In this narrative, the cruel hunter stood for the successive rulers of Bangladesh who sought to marginalise and endanger the existence of its indigenous peoples.
After the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the Indigenous peoples of the CHT initially held hopes that the new state, emerging from oppression, would recognise their rights and aspirations. However, these hopes were quickly dashed when the 1972 constitution failed to acknowledge their existence or protect their autonomy. Instead, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman鈥檚 government initiated the militarisation of the CHT, establishing military cantonments and enforcing widespread repression.
On the other hand, excluded from constitutional recognition, the indigenous peoples faced increasing aggression and a surge of migration into their lands. As peaceful and constitutional means of protest failed, MN Larma and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti resorted to armed resistance, forming the Shanti Bahini (Peace Force) to defend their rights and territory. Successive regimes 鈥� Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Rahman and HM Ershad 鈥� intensified repression by implementing militarisation, forced population transfer and brutal counter-insurgency operations. Thousands of Indigenous people were killed and displaced, villages were burned, women were assaulted and tens of thousands fled to India as refugees. Military control was enforced through the establishment of cantonments, cluster villages and daily surveillance, effectively transforming the CHT into a militarised zone.
Following independence, indigenous peoples faced relentless pressure. The political leaders implemented state-led repressive policies that suppressed the indigenous peoples in the CHT. However, history eventually showed that these actions would lead to a reckoning, much like the J膩taka tale. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman were assassinated, a popular uprising overthrew Ershad and Sheikh Hasina faced the July uprising of 2024, which ultimately ended her rule. These ruthless leaders met a fate similar to that of the evil hunter depicted in the J膩taka tale.
The symbol of the hunter extends beyond just political leaders; civil and military bureaucrats have also played a complicit role, and some of them faced a similar fate to the evil hunter in the story. For instance, on May 26, 2022, during the foundation-stone ceremony for the regional headquarters of the Armed Police Battalion in Rangamati, Major General Md Saiful Abedin, then commanding officer of the 24th Infantry Division, openly challenged indigenous rights activists: 鈥業f you want to fight, come and fight. If you gather one thousand, two thousand, or three thousand people to confront us with these few weapons, you will not last half an hour.鈥� At the same event, former Inspector General of Police Benazir Ahmed warned that 鈥榓nyone who defies the power of the people or the state is a fool,鈥� stating that 鈥榯hese evil elements鈥� are insignificant in comparison to the state鈥檚 power. He declared, 鈥榃ith your cooperation, we will round up these one- or two-thousand individuals 鈥� piece by piece, house by house; if they hide underground, we will drag them out. Our singular task is to prevail against terrorism, crime, abduction, extortion and anti-development conspiracies.鈥�
Three years later, those who made these speeches 鈥� once public enforcers against crime and terrorism 鈥� are now accused of enforced disappearance and homicide, acts that constitute crimes against humanity following the July uprising. They have experienced a fate strikingly similar to that of the evil hunter in the J膩taka tale: a pursuer undone by his own unforgivable actions, ultimately destroyed by the very violence he once glorified.
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Early life and awakening
THE Larma brothers, born in Mahapuram village in the Rangamati District, were raised in a family dedicated to education, integrity, and social service. MN Larma was born in 1939, and his younger brother Santu Larma was born in 1944. They pursued their studies with remarkable dedication. Their early careers as teachers exposed them to social and economic injustices, which motivated them to commit themselves to the rights of Indigenous peoples.
MN Larma quickly emerged as a student leader, founding the Jumma Students鈥� Conference in 1957 and joining the East Pakistan Student Union in 1958. Along with Santu Larma, he organised teachers and students to advocate for social justice, particularly in response to the significant displacement caused by the Kaptai Dam hydroelectric project. In 1963, he was arrested for his political activism and was released in 1965 but he remained undeterred. He went on to earn degrees in education and law, solidifying his reputation as a visionary in the realm of politics.
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Political leadership and resistance: moral universe of the hills
THE activism of the Larma brothers evolved into organised political leadership during the 1960s and 1970s. MN Larma played a key role in forming the Chittagong Hill Tracts Election Organising Committee, was elected to the Provisional Assembly in 1970 and became representative of the CHT in the newly established parliament of Bangladesh in 1973. On February 15, 1972, he submitted a four-point charter of demands to the then prime minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, advocating for regional autonomy and a separate legislature for the CHT. When the constitution sought to define all citizens as 鈥楤engali,鈥� denying other ethnic identities and cultural pluralism, Larma walked out of the constituent assembly on October 31, 1972. That same year, he founded the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti.
On April 11, 1972, a 34-member Constitution Drafting Committee was established to prepare the Constitution Bill for the Constituent Assembly. Six members 鈥� AK Mosharraf Hossain Akand, Asaduzzaman Khan, Abdul Muntaquim Chaudhury, Hafez Habibur Rahman, Khitish Chandra Mondal and Suranjit Sengupta 鈥� expressed dissent on various issues during the drafting process. However, when law minister Dr Kamal Hossain presented the bill to the assembly on October 12, 1972, only Suranjit Sengupta publicly maintained his dissent; the others did not voice further objections. Conversely, MN Larma, the representative from the CHT in the Bangladesh Constituent Assembly, emerged as a significant voice for the rights of indigenous peoples and cultural pluralism during the drafting of the 1972 Constitution. MN Larma addressed the Assembly, highlighting that while Bangladesh was a multi-ethnic state, the Constitution Bill recognised only the Bengali identity, excluding other ethnic communities. Earlier, he had joined Suranjit Sengupta in proposing that the Bill be shared for public review and feedback. Larma strongly objected to the amendment of Article 6, which defined all citizens of Bangladesh as 鈥楤angalees,鈥� instead suggesting 鈥楤angladeshis鈥� as a more inclusive national identity. When his proposal was rejected and the amendment adopted, he walked out of the Assembly in protest. He also demanded autonomy for the CHT region, akin to the special administrative status it had previously enjoyed under British and Pakistani rule. Additionally, MN Larma criticised the Constitution Bill for failing to embody true democratic and socialist principles, arguing that its acceptance of cooperative, private, and state ownership undermined the foundations of socialism. Ultimately, he concluded that the proposed Constitution reflected the remnants of Pakistan鈥檚 1956 and 1962 Constitutions, representing continuity rather than transformation in governance and ideology.
MN Larma was not only a leading advocate for the Indigenous peoples of the CHT but also a steadfast champion for the rights of farmers and labourers across Bangladesh. His vision of justice extended beyond ethnic boundaries to include all marginalised groups 鈥� peasants, workers and the economically dispossessed 鈥� whose struggles he believed formed the backbone of the nation. MN Larma maintained that a truly democratic Bangladesh must enshrine the rights of these communities in its Constitution, ensuring their representation and protection within the national framework. Grounded in solidarity among the oppressed, his political philosophy asserted that genuine progress relies not only on material infrastructure but also on cultural and human development that uplifts those who sustain the country鈥檚 economy. By connecting the struggles of Indigenous peoples with those of farmers and laborers, Larma envisioned a Bangladesh characterised by equality, dignity, and social justice 鈥� a nation where marginalised people are at the centre of power rather than on its periphery.
In addition to his leadership, MN Larma introduced the principles of dialectical materialism, the philosophical foundation of proletarian movements worldwide, into the discourse surrounding Indigenous rights activism in the CHT. He critically analysed the classes within Indigenous society and developed political strategies and tactics rooted in identifying the true allies and adversaries of the Indigenous people鈥檚 struggle. In this way, his vision extended beyond local resistance to resonate with the broader currents of global proletarian movements. Although he joined Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League in 1974, following assurances from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to address the CHT issue, MN Larma was forced underground after the 1975 coup. Despite repression, he continued to organise resistance movements until his tragic assassination on November 10, 1983, a betrayal that ended his life but immortalised his ideals.
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Heir to the struggle: continuity and peace
AFTER his brother鈥檚 death, Santu Larma took over the leadership of the PCJSS, blending his brother鈥檚 steadfast vision with practical negotiation strategies. He reorganised the PCJSS and led its armed wing, the Shanti Bahini, while also seeking dialogue with the government. His efforts led to the 1997 CHT Peace Accord, which recognised the political rights of indigenous peoples, established the CHT Regional Council, and created mechanisms for self-governance and land dispute resolution.
Beyond the CHT, Santu Larma became a national advocate for the rights of indigenous peoples. In 2000, he founded the Bangladesh Indigenous Peoples Forum and served as its president. His work focuses on land rights, education, cultural preservation and political representation, uniting diverse indigenous communities of the country around a common cause.
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Legacy of moral courage: lesson for our time
THE story of the Larma brothers serves as a modern parable reminiscent of the J膩taka tales, illustrating that moral courage, selfless action, and unwavering principles can shape the destiny of a community. MN Larma鈥檚 sacrifices provided the movement with its moral and political vision, while Santu Larma鈥檚 leadership offered structure and continuity. Together, they demonstrate that defending one鈥檚 identity, land and culture requires both sacrifice, bravery and strategic wisdom. Like the characters in myth, the forces of oppression may rise, but history 鈥� echoing the moral universe of the J膩taka tales 鈥� eventually delivers justice. The Larma brothers remind us that leadership rooted in principle and compassion leaves a legacy far beyond any individual鈥檚 lifespan. Their actions inspire generations to envision a Bangladesh where diversity is celebrated and indigenous peoples can live with dignity, self-determination, and peace.
The story of the Larma brothers is not just a chapter in the history of the CHT; it is a testament to the enduring power of courage, vision, and moral clarity. Their lives demonstrate that true leadership transcends the pursuit of power; it entails sacrifice, foresight and an unwavering commitment to justice. In a world where oppression and indifference often seem overwhelming, the Larmas鈥� legacy serves as a beacon for all who fight for equality, recognition, and human dignity. Their example teaches us that even in the face of formidable adversity, principled action can transform society, protect culture and inspire future generations.
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Milinda Marma is an Indigenous writer and activist.
