ONE of the most persistent criticisms of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party is that, despite presenting itself as an alternative, it mirrors the last ruling Awami League in both rhetoric and practice — from grassroots politics to high-level corruption. For decades, voters have felt caught in a binary trap, swinging between two dominant forces, often out of disillusionment rather than genuine hope. But after the July Uprising of 2024, the political landscape has significantly shifted. People have become more aware of their rights, more willing to protest and more determined to reject extortion, nepotism and injustice. This new civic consciousness has raised the bar for any party seeking public trust.
Just ask the public a few honest questions, and you’re likely to hear grim answers: Will BNP leaders refrain from corruption and stop laundering money abroad? Will their student and youth wings abandon the same old cycle of extortion and violence? Will they finally break the entrenched culture of muscle power and political abuse? Can they reform student politics and offer an alternative to the Chhatra League model? Do they have leaders — anyone — who can inspire confidence, like another Zohran Mamdani in New York? Most people, even many BNP supporters, would probably respond with a reluctant ‘no’ — because some party members, in the meantime, have successfully demonstrated a portion of this truth through their recent activities.
So why should the public consider BNP to be the best alternative?
Then, has all hope been lost for the party? The reply is ‘no’ too. Since last August, their public support seems to be waning; still, unless the Islamic parties — along with the National Citizen Party and potential challengers, which may pose a threat to the BNP — form a strong alliance, anyone with minimal knowledge of poll politics can conclude this much: the BNP is likely to come to power in the next election, in spite of murders like that of Md Sohag (hacked and stoned to death on July 9, 2025, along with other common crimes that both major party supporters usually commit.
Now, the next question arises: how sustainable will their regime be if they remain aligned with the old politics?
BNP has a long history. Founded by President Ziaur Rahman, the party once championed a new form of nationalism and broke fresh political ground, despite with some criticisms. But after his assassination — especially following the controversial election of 1996 and the corruption-riddled regime from 2001 to 2006 (which closely resembled the most recent quasi-fascist government) — the party lost much of its moral ground and public appeal. I still recall — when I was an HSC student — how frustrated people were with the party at the end of its last regime in 2006, particularly due to the widespread corruption allegation associated with its now acting chairman, Tarique Rahman. From the drawing room to public transport, it is all the same disillusionment.
However, Rahman’s speeches and messages from London, delivered immediately after the July Uprising, initially seemed inspiring — offering a renewed sense of hope and leading many to reconsider the BNP’s potential for transformation. But as time has passed, both the tone and content of his speeches have begun to shift. Now, it feels as though Rahman is no longer leading the party, but rather being led — by a group of opportunists and miscreants, many of whom have been politically starved for over 17 years and are now desperate to return to power at any cost. Some of its leaders are allegedly blamed for having connections with the last regime and trying to facilitate the quick rehabilitation of some Awami League members who were directly involved with the July massacre. And so, what once felt like the promise of new leadership increasingly resembles old habits in disguise. They are simply drinking old alcohol from a new bottle — and expecting the public not to notice the taste.
With all this considered, and though already stained by early signs of old behaviour, the window of opportunity that opened after August 5, 2024, is still open for the party. Ironically, it is their main political rivals who have helped the BNP glimpse a ray of hope. The failure of Jamaat-e-Islami to properly deal with the liberation war issue (with their vague replies), and reportedly the NCP’s descent into extortion, poor leadership and mismanagement, have given the BNP another golden chance to reposition itself as a credible alternative.
To do so, they must decisively distance themselves from Bangladesh’s traditional political sins. Reform must start at the grassroots — with student politics. The BNP must abandon violent, factional student wings and adopt more civic, policy-driven models, learning from democratic movements around the world. Internal governance also needs reform: the party’s constitution, nomination process, and code of conduct must reflect values of accountability and public service. And finally, leadership must emerge that embodies integrity and vision — not just dynastic privilege.
People are tired of recycled regimes. They demand leadership that is honest, patriotic and rooted in people’s welfare. If the BNP wants to win not just an election, but the future, it must prove that it can build — and sustain—a truly new Bangladesh.
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Mohin Uddin Mizan is publication and communication professional at the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies.
