Democratic aspirations cannot be fully realised unless women are meaningfully included in political decision-making. Reserved seats have offered a foothold, but without structural reform, they risk remaining symbolic, writes Musharraf Tansen
IN RECENT decades, Bangladesh has made significant progress in promoting gender equality in areas such as education, health and employment. However, when it comes to politics — the sphere that defines who makes decisions and sets the direction of public life — women remain vastly underrepresented. While the country has been led by women prime ministers since 1991, this symbolic leadership has not translated into substantive representation of women across all tiers of political decision-making.
As Bangladesh approaches another national election, the moment is opportune to examine its electoral framework through a gender-sensitive lens and consider structural reforms that can ensure greater and more meaningful political participation for women.
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Illusion of progress
BANGLADESH’S constitution guarantees gender equality and affirms the importance of women’s participation in public life. The reservation of 50 parliamentary seats for women, through indirect election, has increased the numerical presence of women in parliament. However, these provisions have not achieved transformative political empowerment. Out of the 350 seats in Jatiya Sangsad, 300 are directly elected, while 50 are reserved for women, allocated to political parties in proportion to their share of elected seats. Yet these reserved seats are not filled by direct popular vote. Instead, women are appointed by party leadership, often as a token gesture or based on loyalty, diminishing the democratic legitimacy and autonomy of these members of parliament.
Despite the constitutional commitment to gender equity, only 22 women were elected directly in the 2018 general election, making up less than 7 per cent of the 300 directly elected MPs. These figures have remained low and stagnant over the past several electoral cycles, indicating that the electoral system, as currently designed, does not effectively support or promote women’s inclusion in substantive roles.
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Structural and cultural barriers
WOMEN’S limited political representation in Bangladesh stems from a web of interconnected structural and cultural barriers. Political parties, as the gatekeepers of electoral candidacy, tend to operate in patriarchal and non-transparent ways. Their nomination processes are controlled by elite male circles that prioritise candidates with existing political networks, financial clout or family connections. Even women with a record of public service or leadership face exclusion from party nominations.
Electoral politics is also marked by violence and intimidation, creating a hostile environment for women. Female candidates often endure character attacks, physical threats and cyberbullying. This toxic culture discourages many women from even considering a political career, while those who do enter the arena are often pressured to conform to restrictive gender norms.
Financial barriers further marginalise women. Political campaigning in Bangladesh is expensive, requiring resources for mobilisation, publicity and organisational support. Yet women disproportionately lack access to financial capital due to wage gaps, asset disparities and limited control over resources. Without institutional mechanisms to offset these economic disadvantages, women find themselves unable to compete on a level playing field.
Deep-rooted sociocultural expectations reinforce these exclusions. Traditional gender roles often confine women to the private sphere, burdening them with unpaid care responsibilities. This limits their availability and mobility for public engagement, particularly in rural areas where conservative norms are more pervasive. Consequently, even when legal provisions exist to promote inclusion, they fall short of creating real opportunities for women to lead and influence.
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Lessons from other electoral systems
COMPARATIVE experiences from other countries offer valuable insights. The IFES report on Sri Lanka illustrates how electoral reform debates can open pathways for more inclusive participation. Globally, countries with higher levels of female representation — such as Rwanda, Sweden and South Africa — often employ proportional representation systems and legally enforce gender quotas.
Rwanda, which has the highest percentage of female parliamentarians globally, combines reserved seats with legislated gender quotas under a proportional representation system. Sweden uses voluntary party quotas with a ‘zipper system’, alternating men and women on candidate lists. These systems incentivise parties to nominate women and ensure they are positioned competitively. The key lesson is that the design of the electoral system — particularly how candidates are nominated and elected — has a decisive impact on gender equity.
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Bangladesh’s FPTP dilemma
THE first-past-the-post system used in Bangladesh awards victory to the candidate with the most votes in a constituency, even without a majority. While simple, FPTP tends to favour dominant, well-resourced individuals and perpetuates majoritarian exclusion. In a patriarchal society, this often means favouring male incumbents who already exercise local influence or financial power.
Proportional representation systems, by contrast, allow for broader inclusion. Under PR, multiple representatives are elected per constituency, and seats are allocated based on each party’s vote share. This creates room for diverse candidates, including women, and encourages parties to present more balanced candidate slates. When combined with enforceable quotas, proportional representation significantly enhances women’s political participation.
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Electoral reform
TO ADVANCE gender equality in politics, Bangladesh must go beyond symbolic representation and enact reforms that address institutional bias and open pathways for substantive inclusion. A promising reform would be transitioning to a mixed-member proportional system, combining FPTP and PR. This hybrid model retains constituency representation while enabling fairer and more inclusive proportional outcomes. Countries like Germany and New Zealand have successfully adopted mixed-member proportional system, and its flexibility makes it suitable for Bangladesh.
In a mixed-member proportional framework, some MPs would be elected from geographical constituencies, while others would be drawn from party lists. These party lists could be structured to ensure at least 33 to 50 per cent female candidates, using a zipper system to prevent women from being relegated to unelectable positions. Such a move would systemically integrate women into the electoral process, without depending solely on reserved seats.
Bangladesh should also convert its current system of reserved seats from indirect appointment to direct election. Electing women to these seats through proportional representation or creating women-only constituencies would enhance their legitimacy and reduce dependency on male party elites. It would also create incentives for parties to actively campaign for female candidates. Alternatively, all parties could be required to field a minimum percentage of female candidates in general constituencies, with penalties for non-compliance.
Addressing financial barriers is equally critical. Public financing mechanisms should be established to support women candidates. This could include matching grants, media subsidies, or tax incentives. Parties that meet gender representation thresholds in candidacy and leadership could receive bonus funds or recognition. These measures would offset the cost of campaigns and encourage parties to nominate women competitively.
Political party reforms must also be prioritised. Internal democracy, transparent nomination processes and gender quotas within party structures are essential. Leadership development programmes should be institutionalised to build the capacity of female members in areas such as public speaking, campaign strategy and policy advocacy. Legal mandates should require parties to disclose gender-disaggregated data on nominations, leadership positions and membership. This data will enable monitoring and create pressure for accountability.
Reducing political violence is another vital aspect of reform. The Election Commission and law enforcement must ensure safe participation by establishing complaint systems, legal aid and rapid-response mechanisms. All electoral stakeholders — from polling officials to party workers — should undergo gender-sensitivity training. Gender-based harassment, hate speech and online abuse must be penalised to create a safer political space for women.
Civic education and cultural change are crucial for long-term transformation. Schools, universities and civil society organisations should promote gender equality and challenge stereotypes about women in leadership. Media must also play a constructive role by highlighting women’s contributions and avoiding sexist portrayals. National campaigns should showcase female role models and engage men and boys as allies in promoting women’s leadership.
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Strengthening Election Commission
TO IMPLEMENT and monitor these reforms, the Election Commission must be institutionally strengthened. It must be independent, transparent, and adequately resourced to enforce gender mandates. The Commission should conduct regular gender audits, publish reports on women’s political participation, and collaborate with women’s rights organisations to support inclusive elections. Guidelines and codes of conduct must be gender-sensitive, covering all phases of the electoral process.
Special focus must be given to under-represented groups, such as rural women, indigenous populations and persons with disabilities. Outreach programmes, translated materials, and inclusive registration drives are essential to ensure that these groups are not left behind.
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Towards gender-just democracy
BANGLADESH’S democratic aspirations cannot be fully realised unless women are meaningfully included in political decision-making. Reserved seats have offered a foothold, but without structural reform, they risk remaining symbolic. Electoral system reform is not merely a technical adjustment — it is a matter of democratic justice. From redesigning electoral systems to transforming party cultures, from financial support to combating violence, and from civic education to institutional strengthening, a holistic approach is required.
We must act now to bring women from the margins to the centre of political life. Doing so will not only fulfil constitutional promises of equality but also enrich our democracy, policy-making and governance with the perspectives of half the population. It is time for Bangladesh to move beyond symbolic representation and embrace the structural reforms necessary for a gender-just democracy.
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Musharraf Tansen is a doctoral researcher at the University of Dhaka
