THE local government elections in Sri Lanka, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023 but were postponed by the previous government of president Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections should be held without delay. They may have feared that a defeat would erode that government鈥檚 already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate after the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place now will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.
The examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large-scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to halt corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep-rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and the east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and the return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6,000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.
The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for more than 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further, the unclaimed land to be designated as 鈥榮tate land鈥� raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government鈥檚 election campaign in the north and the east. High-level visits by the president, the prime minister and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government鈥檚 cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka鈥檚 unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.
听
Economic incentives
IN THE north and the east, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, the return of the military-occupied land, the release of long-term Tamil prisoners and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim land. They make the point that while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land, has been highlighted as reflecting the government鈥檚 deference to majority ethnic sentiment.
The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency and opportunity 鈥� criteria that favour the ruling party鈥檚 approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five-year plan for the development of Jaffna.
There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president鈥檚 remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticised by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.
听
Broader vision
THE government鈥檚 Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the north and the east, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.
As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory in the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help to assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalise on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.
Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst them, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful in those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its two-thirds majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government鈥檚 mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.
听
Jehan Perera is executive director of the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka.
