BANGLADESH is moving towards holding the 13th parliamentary elections. Although, a specific date for the elections has not yet announced, the chief adviser to the interim government Muhammad Yunus in an address to the nation has said that the next national elections will be held between December this year and June 2026 and the government wants it to be the most free, fair and acceptable elections in history. The Election Commission is also making preparations with a commitment to holding credible elections.
Keeping to the best practices, an election management body conducts a post-election evaluation of the past election as the starting point for planning the next. Countries such as South Africa, Kenya, Australia, Canada, etc regularly conduct post-election evaluations under legal provision or as practice. In Kenya, after the 2022 general elections, a post-election evaluation, which included challenges, experiences and recommendations, was conducted. In Australia, the election management authority regularly engages with relevant parliamentary committees that are empowered to inquire into aspects of the electoral process and related matters, including the conduct of federal electoral events. After the 2019 elections, the Australian election management authority submitted a report on the conduct of the 2019 federal elections and related matters to the joint standing committee on electoral matters for improvement. In Canada, under Section 143鈥�149, 161, 162 and 169 of the election act, an independent audit report on the performance of the duties and functions of election officers are submitted to the head of the authority.
In Bangladesh, such kind of evaluation is of utmost requirement as the country has failed to institutionalise a sound electoral process in 53 years since independence. Although all elections held under caretaker governments were termed mostly free and fair, elections held under political governments lacked credibility. Some were even considered farcical. The major reason is the political interference into the workings of election administration by successive political governments since 1972. To stay in power, the ruling class in most cases conducts purely decorative and ritualistic elections denying independence to the Election Commission and politicising other institutions with electoral responsibilities such as law enforcement agencies, local administration, the judiciary, the media, etc aiming at manipulating election results.
In 2014鈥�2024, such kind of politicisation was so acute that Sheikh Hasina鈥檚 political DNA has been found in each and every institution involved in holding elections. However, Hasina鈥檚 fall has created a significant opportunity for reconciliation and rebuilding trust in the electoral process.
There is, therefore, no alternative to electoral reforms for the interim government to transform the biased election administration into a neutral one. Realising this, the interim government, after the fall of the Hasina government in a popular uprising led by students, formed a number of reforms commissions, including the electoral reforms commission. The electoral reforms commission, in its report submitted to the chief adviser, not only focuses on identifying the loopholes of the electoral process but also recommends institutionalising electoral process so that the country could have an independent and institutionalised election administration under the Election Commission to conduct credible elections in future. In order to shape the future of elections, after the submission of reforms commission recommendations, the interim government has formed a national consensus commission, tasked with generating a widespread agreement on necessary reforms.
Since independence, Bangladesh鈥檚 political landscape has been deeply divided. Similar to many other issues, political parties are also divided on the election date as well as reforms. Additionally, divisions are seen on which election should be held first 鈥� parliamentary,听 local government or constitutional council. However, despite such divisions among the political parties, reaching a consensus is fraught with challenges. No political party is disagreed on reforms. Bangladesh Nationalist Party leaders sometimes argue with various statements such as postponing the elections by talking about reforms is not acceptable, election is the duty, not reforms. It also of instability if elections are delayed beyond December. But but the party鈥檚 secretary general sent out a clear message that the Bangladesh Nationalist Party is sincere about reforms, not solely focused on polls.
However, as there are still lack of consensus, debates and negative statements over reforms. There are some doubts about the future of electoral reforms. Moreover, history shows that whoever comes to power uses government agencies and property in their own interests and punishes the opponents unfairly. And in doing so, the government breaks the law instead of respecting it. After the fall of HM Ershad in a joint movement in 1990, the three alliances鈥� joint declaration. termed a milestone in post-liberation politics in Bangladesh, was barely implemented. Two main political parties of the alliances, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League, have ruled Bangladesh for the past 35 years, but none of them has taken any initiatives to implement the historical outline despite it became necessary to transform the autocratic state into a democratic state as well as institutionalise the electoral process.
Therefore, despite potential areas of disagreement, the overall outcome of the recommendations should align with the international standards of elections and the aspirations of the people of Bangladesh. It is important to reach a consensus on reforms as there are many examples across the world that political consensus, even where there is no robust electoral legal framework, work as the key to holding credible elections. The elections in 1991 in Bangladesh is such an example. In this case, the role of the national consensus commission is crucial. But political parties must realise that the biggest reason for the fall of Hasina is the farcical elections held in 2014鈥�2024. And without meaningful reforms, Bangladesh may see a repetition.
All stakeholders involved in electoral reforms must keep in mind that elections are not only elections. They are part of a process. Elections determine leadership and either continuity or change in this leadership. Even flawed elections may have value in institutionalising electoral integrity provided that subsequent electoral cycles reinforce key democratic or electoral principles. With so much attention given to elections in the overall practice of democracy, it is important to step back and evaluate the functions hat they are theoretically and practically meant to serve.
We also need to keep in mind that similar to the elections of 1991, 1996 (June), 2001 and 2008, only a single credible election is not enough to institutionalise electoral process. We, rather, need such an electoral process which can free elections not only of all kinds of political interventions but make them accessible, meaningful and sustainable in line with international standards. There is, therefore, no alternative to reforms for institutionalising and systematising electoral processes.
听
Dr Md Abdul Alim is an elections specialist and has worked as a member of the electoral reforms commission for by the interim government.
