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EVERY nation faces moments that define its future, crossroads where it must decide whether to cling to a broken past or embrace the promise of transformation. Bangladesh stands at such a crossroad. The July mass uprising was more than a protest; it was a declaration that the people refuse to be silent, that democracy is not a luxury but a necessity. For the first time in years, there is a real opportunity to break free from a system where power is hoarded, elections are manipulated, and voices of dissent are silenced. The momentum for change is here — but will it be harnessed, or will it fade into another chapter of missed opportunities?

The uprising was a reaction to years of undemocratic governance, but it was also an awakening. The protests were not just about reforms in quota systems for public services; they were a rejection of a system where patronage determines one’s future, not merit. The slogan ‘We fight for survival, you feast on state jobs’ captured the growing anger of young people who see doors of opportunity closed to them while a privileged elite consolidates power. Students, urban workers, small business owners, and even farmers joined hands, proving that the fight for democracy is not just for one class; it is for the entire nation. Social media became the movement’s great equaliser, as young activists outmanoeuvred state censorship, using encrypted messaging and livestreams to expose repression in real-time. This was not just a protest; it was a movement for democratic renewal, one that echoes past revolutions around the world.

History shows that such uprisings can lead to real change. Indonesia’s 1998 democratic transition after the fall of Suharto was driven by mass protests that forced an entrenched leader to step down, leading to decentralisation and electoral reforms. South Korea’s 1987 democratic movement, sparked by students and workers, pushed an authoritarian government to accept free elections. These countries proved that democracy is not an impossible dream, even after decades of autocratic rule. Bangladesh, too, has a choice. It can allow this moment to pass, letting repression tighten its grip, or it can seize the chance to rebuild a democracy that serves the people, not just those in power.

Change is possible if the right steps are taken. The Election Commission must be made fully independent and free from government influence to restore public trust. Election irregularities, including vote rigging, fake ballots, and suppression of opposition candidates, have turned elections into staged performances rather than true democratic exercises. Without an impartial electoral body, no election will have credibility, and without credible elections, democracy becomes a hollow shell. Ensuring that the next general election is conducted with room for international election monitoring and is not a foreign imposition, it is a necessity to restore the people’s faith in the system.

Yet, electoral reforms alone are not enough. The problem runs deeper into the very structure of political parties. Bangladesh’s political landscape is dominated by dynastic rule, where leadership is inherited rather than earned. The deposed Awami League has been under Sheikh Hasina’s control for over a decade, while the opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party remains in the grip of the Zia family, leaving little room for new voices or ideological shifts. Intra-party democracy, the ability of party members to freely elect their own leadership, rather than having decisions imposed from the top, is virtually non-existent. Candidate selection is dictated not by merit, vision, or grassroots support, but by loyalty to the ruling elite. Internal party elections must be made transparent, competitive, and free from authoritarian control to allow new leadership to emerge. If parties themselves are undemocratic, how can they be trusted to uphold democracy at the national level?

Inter-party democracy is just as crucial. The culture of treating opposition parties as enemies rather than political competitors has left our governance and parliament dysfunctional. Parliament is no longer a space for debate but a battleground where dissent is crushed and major decisions are made behind closed doors. Genuine democratic transformation will require legal protections for opposition parties to function without fear of persecution. This means an end to politically motivated lawsuits, arrests, and police crackdowns on rallies. It also means fostering a political culture where governance is based on policy debates and legislative accountability, not personal vendettas and political revenge. Without space for opposition voices, Bangladesh, under the Awami rule, is a one-party state in disguise.

For true change to occur, it is not enough to rely on political actors alone. The role of the media, civil society, and mass movements is more important than ever. The press must remain fearless in its pursuit of the truth. Investigative journalism has already exposed corruption scandals, election fraud, and financial crimes committed by those in power, but journalists continue to operate under the constant threat of imprisonment under laws like the Cyber Security Act. This law must be repealed, and new legal protections for journalists and whistleblowers must be introduced to ensure that the press can hold power accountable without fear of retaliation. A free media is the foundation of an informed citizenry, and an informed citizenry is the greatest threat to an authoritarian state.

Beyond the media, civil society organisations and grassroots movements must continue to push for accountability. The July mass uprising proved that when the people unite, they cannot be ignored. Students, farmers, workers, and business owners must remain engaged not just in moments of crisis but in shaping long-term political reform. If the interim government led by Mohammad Yunus is to be a true vehicle for change, it must be made accountable at every turn to commit to its promises. Civil society groups should actively monitor government policies, demand transparency in decision-making, and ensure that reforms are not just words on paper. The spirit of mass movements must not fade after one uprising; it must evolve into a sustained force that keeps leaders accountable beyond the election cycle.

Ultimately, it is the people who must demand and defend democracy. Political parties and governments do not willingly give up power or change their ways unless they are forced to. The momentum created by the July mass uprising must not be wasted on temporary concessions; it must fuel a larger permanent democratic transformation. If Bangladesh wants to break free from the cycle of authoritarianism disguised as democracy, the people must make it clear: they will accept nothing less than real change.

Sceptics argue that democracy is a secondary concern, that Bangladesh needs ‘stability’ above all. But stability built on repression is an illusion. A nation with 35 per cent youth unemployment (BBS, 2024) is a nation on the brink of unrest. A country where $8 billion has been lost to bank scams since 2020 (IMF, 2024) cannot afford to prioritise elite interests over economic justice. Those who say ‘Bangladesh is not ready for democracy’ ignore the lessons of Indonesia and South Korea, where democratic reforms led to political stability and economic transformation.

This moment is not just about a free and fair election. It is about the very soul of Bangladesh. Will the country remain trapped in cycles of rigged elections, institutional corruption, and political repression, or will it rise to the challenge and create a system where power is earned, not inherited; where justice is impartial, not selective; where the people — not a privileged few — determine the nation’s future? The July mass uprising was not just an end; it was a beginning. The people have spoken. The next move belongs to those in power. Will they listen, or will they attempt to crush the spirit of a nation that has already proven it will not be silenced?

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Muhammad Jahid Hasan is a journalist.